MIT Guide to Lock Picking – Appendix A

This appendix describes the design and construction of lock picking tools.

A.1 Pick Shapes

Picks come in several shapes and sizes. Figure A.1 shows the most common shapes. The handle and tang of a pick are the same for all picks. The handle must be comfortable and the tang must be thin enough to avoid bumping pins unnecessarily. If the tang is too thin, then it will act like a spring and you will loose the feel of the tip interacting with the pins. The shape of the tip determines how easily the pick passes over the pins and what kind of feedback you get from each pin.

The design of a tip is a compromise between ease of insertion, ease of withdrawal and feel of the interaction. The half diamond tip with shallow angles is easy to insert and remove, so you can apply pressure when the pick is moving in either direction. It can quickly pick a lock that has little variation in the lengths of the key pins. If the lock requires a key that has a deep cut between two shallow cuts, the pick may not be able to push the middle pin down far enough. The half diamond pick with steep angles could deal with such a lock, and in general steep angles give you better feedback about the pins. Unfortunately, the steep angles make it harder to move the pick in the lock. A tip that has a shallow front angle and a steep back angle works well for Yale locks.

The half round tip works well in disk tumbler locks. See section 9.13. The full diamond and full round tips are useful for locks that have pins at the top and bottom of the keyway. The rake tip is designed for picking pins one by one. It can also be used to rake over the pins, but the pressure can only be applied as the pick is withdrawn. The rake tip allows you to carefully feel each pin and apply varying amounts of pressure. Some rake tips are flat or dented on the top to makes it easier to align the pick on the pin. The primary benefit of picking pins one at a time is that you avoid scratching the pins. Scrubbing scratches the tips of the pins and the keyway, and it spreads metal dust throughout the lock. If you want to avoid leaving traces, you must avoid scrubbing.

The snake tip can be used for scrubbing or picking. When scrubbing, the multiple bumps generate more action than a regular pick. The snake tip is particularly good at opening five pin household locks. When a snake tip is used for picking, it can set two or three pins at once. Basically, the snake pick acts like a segment of a key which can be adjusted by lifting and lowering the tip, by tilting it back and forth, and by using either to top or bottom of the tip. You should use moderate to heavy torque with a snake pick to allow several pins to bind at the same time. This style of picking is faster than using a rake and it leaves as little evidence.

A.2 Street cleaner bristles

The spring steel bristles used on street cleaners make excellen tools for lock picking. The bristles have the right thickness and width, and they are easy to grind into the desired shape. The resulting tools are springy and strong. Section A.3 describes how to make tools that are less springy.

The first step in making tools is to sand off any rust on the bristles. Course grit sand paper works fine as does a steel wool cleaning pad (not copper wool). If the edges or tip of the bristle are worn down, use a file to make them square.

A torque wrench has a head and a handle as shown in figure A.2. The head is usually 1/2 to 3/4 of an inch long and the handle varies from 2 to 4 inches long. The head and the handle are separated by a bend that is about 80 degrees. The head must be long enough to reach over any protrusions (such as a grip-proof collar) and firmly engage the plug. A long handle allows delicate control over the torque, but if it is too long, it will bump against
the doorframe. The handle, head and bend angle can be made quite small if you want to make tools that are easy to conceal (e.g., in a pen, flashlight, or belt buckle). Some torque wrenches have a 90 degree twist in the handle. The twist makes it easy to control the torque by controlling how far the handle has been deflected from its restposition. The handle acts as a spring which sets the torque. The disadvantage of this method of setting the torque is that you get less feedback about the rotation of the plug. To pick difficult locks you will need to learn how to apply a steady torque via a stiff handled torque wrench.

The width of the head of a torque wrench determines how well it will fit the keyway. Locks with narrow keyways (e.g., desk locks) need torque wrenches with narrow heads. Before bending the bristle, file the head to the desired width. A general purpose wrench can be made by narrowing the tip (about 1/4 inch) of the head. The tip fits small keyways while the rest of the head is wide enough to grab a normal keyway.

The hard part of making a torque wrench is bending the bristle without cracking it. To make the 90 degree handle twist, clamp the head of the bristle (about one inch) in a vise and use pliers to grasp the bristle about 3/8 of an inch above the vise. You can use another pair of pliers instead of a vise. Apply a 45 degree twist. Try to keep the axis of the twist lined up with the axis of the bristle. Now move the pliers back another 3/8 inch and apply the remaining 45 45 degrees. You will need to twist the bristle more than 90 degrees in order to set a permanent 90 degree twist.


Figure A.1: Selection of pick shapes

Figure A.1: Selection of pick shapes

To make the 80 degree head bend, lift the bristle out of the vise by about 1/4 inch (so 3/4 inch is still in the vise). Place the shank of a screw driver against the bristle and bend the spring steel around it about 90 degrees. This should set a permanent 80 degree bend in the metal. Try to keep the axis of the bend perpendicular to the handle. The screwdriver shank ensures that the radius of curvature will not be too small. Any rounded object will work (e.g., drill bit, needle nose pliers, or a pen cap). If you have trouble with this method, try grasping the bristle with two pliers separated by about 1/2 inch and bend. This method produces a gentle curve that won’t break the bristle.

A grinding wheel will greatly speed the job of making a pick. It takes a bit of practice to learn how make smooth cuts with a grinding wheel, but it takes less time to practice and make two or three picks than it does to hand file a single pick. The first step is to cut the front angle of the pick. Use the front of the wheel to do this. Hold the bristle at 45 degrees to the wheel and move the bristle side to side as you grind away the metal. Grind slowly to avoid overheating the metal, which makes it brittle. If the metal changes color (to dark blue), you have overheated it, and you should grind away the colored portion. Next, cut the back angle of the tip using the corner of the wheel. Usually one corner is sharper than the other, and you should use that one. Hold the pick at the desired angle and slowly push it into the corner of the wheel. The side of the stone should cut the back angle. Be sure that the tip of the pick is supported. If the grinding wheel stage is not close enough to the wheel to support the tip, use needle nose pliers to hold the tip. The cut should pass though about 2/3 of the width of the bristle. If the tip came out well, continue. Otherwise break it off and try again. You can break the bristle by clamping it into a vise and bending it sharply.

The corner of the wheel is also used to grind the tang of the pick. Put a scratch mark to indicate how far back the tang should go. The tang should be long enough to allow the tip to pass over the back pin of a seven pin lock. Cut the tang by making several smooth passes over the corner. Each pass starts at the tip and moves to thescratch mark. Try to remove less than a 1/16th of an inch of metal with each pass. I use two fingers to hold the bristle on the stage at the proper angle while my other hand pushes the handle of the pick to move the tang along the corner. Use whatever technique works best for you.

Use a hand file to finish the pick. It should feel smooth if you run a finger nail over it. Any roughness will add noise to the feedback you want to get from the lock.

The outer sheath of phone cable can be used as a handle for the pick. Remove three or four of the wires from a length of cable and push it over the pick. If the sheath won’t stay in place, you can put some epoxy on the handle before pushing the sheath over it.

A.3 Bicycle spokes

An alternative to making tools out of street cleaner bristles is to make them out of nails and bicycle spokes. These materials are easily accessible and when they are heat treated, they will be stronger than tools made from bristles.


Figure A.2: Torque wrenches

Figure A.2: Torque wrenches

A strong torque wrench can be constructed from an 8-penny nail (about .1 inch diameter). First heat up the point with a propane torch until it glows red, slowly remove it from the flame, and let it air cool; this softens it. The burner of a gas stove can be used instead of a torch. Grind it down into the shape of a skinny screwdriver bladeand bend it to about 80 degrees. The bend should be less than a right angle because some lock faces are recessed behind a plate (called an escutcheon) and you want the head of the wrench to be able to reach about half an inch into the plug. Temper (harden) the torque wrench by heating to bright orange and dunking it into ice water. You will wind up with a virtually indestructible bent screwdriver that will last for years under brutal use.

Bicycle spokes make excellent picks. Bend one to the shape you want and file the sides of the business end flat such that it’s strong in the vertical and flexy in the horizontal direction. Try a righ t-angle hunk about an inch long for a handle. For smaller picks, which you need for those really tiny keyways, find any large-diameter spring and unbend it. If you’re careful you don’t have to play any metallurgical games.

A.4 Brick Strap

For perfectly serviceable key blanks that you can’t otherwise find at the store, use the metal strap they wrap around bricks for shipping. It’s wonderfully handy stuff for just about anything you want to manufacture. To get around side wards in the keyway, you can bend the strap lengthwise by clamping it in a vice and tapping on the protruding part to bend the piece to the required angle.

Brick strap is very hard. It can ruin a grinding wheel or key cutting machine. A hand file is the recommended tool for milling brick strap.

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Chapter 10 >
Appendix B >

MIT Guide to Lock Picking – Chapter 9

Real locks have a wide range of mechanical features and defects that help and hinder lock picking. If a lock doesn’t respond to scrubbing, then it probably has one of the traits discussed in this chapter. To open the lock, you must diagnose the trait and apply the recommended technique. The exercises will help you develop the mechanical sensitivity and dexterity necessary to recognize and exploit the different traits.

9.1 Which Way To Turn

It can be very frustrating to spend a long time picking a lock and then discover that you turned the plug the wrong way. If you turn a plug the wrong way it will rotate freelyun til it hits a stop, or until it rotates 180 degrees and the drivers enter the keyway (see section 9.11). Section 9.11 also explains how to turn the plug more than 180 degrees if that is necessary to fully retract the bolt. When the plug is turned in the correct direction, you should feel an extra resistance when the plug cam engages the bolt spring.

The direction to turn the plug depends on the bolt mechanism, not on the lock, but here are some general rules. Cheap padlocks will open if the plug is turned in either direction, so you can chose the directionh which is best for the torque wrench. All padlocks made by the Master company can be opened in either direction. Padlocks made by Yale will only open if the plug is turned clockwise. The double plug Yale cylinder locks generally open by turning the bottom of the keyway (i.e., the flat edge of the key) away from the nearest doorframe. Single plug cylinder locks also follow this rule. See Figure 9.1. Locks built in to the doorknob usually open clockwise. Desk and filing cabinet locks also tend to ope clockwise.

When you encounter a new kind of lock mechanism, try turning the plug in both directions. In the correct direction, the plug will be stopped by the pins, so the stop will feel mushy when you use heavy torque. In the wrong direction the plug will be stopped by a metal tab, so the stop will feel solid.


Figure 9.1:Direction to turn plug

Figure 9.1:Direction to turn plug

9.2 How Far to Turn

The companion question to which way to turn a lock is how far to turn it. Desk and filing cabinet locks generally open with less than a quarter turn (90 degrees) of the plug. When opening a desk lock try to avoid having the plug lock in the open position. Locks built into doorknobs also tend to open with less than a quarter turn. Locks which are separate from the doorknob tend to require a half turn t open. Deadbolt lock mechanisms can require almost a full turn to open.

Turning a lock more than 180 degrees is difficult because the drivers enter the bottom of the keyway. See section 9.11.

9.3 Gravity

Picking a lock that has the springs at the top is different than picking one with the springs at the bottom. It should be obvious how to tell the two apart. The nice feature of a lock with the springs at the bottom is that gravity holds the key pins down once they set. With the set pins out of the way, it is easy to find and manipulate the remaining unset pins. It is also straight forward to test for the slight give of a correctly set pin. When the springs are on top, gravity will pull the key pins down after the driver pin catches at the sheer line. In this case, you can identify the set pins by noticing that the key pin is easy to lift and that it does not feel springy. Set pins also rattle as you draw the pick over them because they are not being pushed down by the driver pin.

9.4 Pins Not Setting

If you scrub a lock and pins are not setting even when you vary the torque, then some pin has false set and it is keeping the rest of the pins from setting. Consider a lock whose pins prefer to set from back to front. If the backmost pin false sets high or low (see Figure 9.2), then the plug cannot rotate enough to allow the other pins to bind. It is hard to recognize that a back pin has false set because the springiness of the front pins makes it hard to sense the small give of a correctly set back pin. The main symptom of this situation is that the other pins will not set unless a very large torque is applied.

When you encounter this situation, release the torque and start over by concentrating on the back pins. Try a light torque and moderate pressure, or heavy torque and heavy pressure. Try to feel for the click that happens when a pin reaches the sheer line and the plug rotates slightly. The click will be easier to feel if you use a stiff torque wrench.

9.5 Elastic Deformation

The interesting events of lock picking happen over distances measured in thousandths of an inch. Over such short distances, metals behave like springs. Very little force is necessary to deflect a piece of metal over those distances, and when the force is removed, the metal will spring back to its original position.

Deformation can be used to your advantage if you want to force several pins to bind at once. For example, picking a lock with pins that prefer to set from front to back is slow because the pinsset one at a time. This is particularly true if you only apply pressure as the pick is drawn out of the lock. Each pass of the pick will only set the frontmost pin that is binding. Numerous passes are required to set all the pins. If the preference for setting is not very strong (i.e., the axis of the plug holes is only slightly skewed from the plug’s center line), then you can cause additional pins to bind by applying extra torque. Basically, the torque puts a twist in the plug that causes the front of the plug to be deflected further than the back of the plug. With light torque, the back of the plug stays in its initial position, but with medium to heavy torque, the front pin columns bend enough to allow the back of the plug to rotate and thus cause the back pins to bind. With the extra torque, a single stroke of the pick can set several pins, and the lock can be opened quickly. Too much torque causes its own problems.

When the torque is large, the front pins and plug holes can be deformed enough to prevent the pins from setting correctly. In particular, the first pin tends to false set low. Figure 9.2 shows how excess torque can deform the bottom of the driver pin and prevent the key pin from reaching the sheer line. This situation can be recognized by the lack of give in the first pin. Correctly set pins feel springy if they are pressed down slightly. A falsely set pin lacks this springiness. The solution is to press down hard on the firstpin. You may want to reduce the torque slightly, but if you reduce torque too much then other pins will unset as the first pin is being depressed.

It is also possible to deform the top of the key pin. The key pin is scissored between the plug and the hull and stays fixed. When this happens, the pin is said to be false set high.

9.6 Loose Plug

The plug is held into the hull by being wider at the front and by having a cam on the back that is bigger than the hole drilled into the hull. If the cam is not properly installed, the plug can move in and out of the lock slightly. On the outward stroke of the pick, the plug will move forward, and if you apply pressure on the inward stroke, the plug will be pushed back.

The problem with a loose plug is that the driver pins tend to set on the back of the plug holes rather than on the sides of the holes. When you push the plug in, the drivers will unset. You can use this defect to your advantage by only applying pressure on the outward or inward strokw of the pick. Alternatively, you can use your finger or torque wrench to prevent the plug from moving forward.


Figure 9.2: Driver pin false set by elastic deformation

Figure 9.2: Driver pin false set by elastic deformation

9.7 Pin Diameter

When the pair of pins in a particular column have different diameters, that column will react strangely to the pressure of the pick.

The top half of Figure 9.3 shows a pin column with a driver pin that has a larger diameter than the key pin. As the pins are lifted, the picking pressure is resisted by the binding friction and the spring force. Once the driver clears the sheer line, the plug rotates (until some other pin binds) and the only resistance to motion is the spring force. If the key pin is small enough and the plug did not rotate very far, the key pin can enter the hull without colliding with the edge of the hull. Some other pin is binding, so again the only resistance to motion is the spring force. This relationship is graphed in the bottom half of the Figure. Basically, the pins feel normal at first, but then the lock clicks and the pin becomes springy. The narrow key pin can be pushed all the way into the hull without loosing its springiness, but when the picking pressure is released, the key pin will fall back to its initial position while the large driver catches on the edge of the plug hole.

The problem with a large driver pin is that the key pin tends to get stuck in the hull when some other pin sets. Imagine that a neighboring pin sets and the plug rotates enough to bind the narrow key pin. If the pick was pressing down on the narrow key pin at the same time as it was pressing down on the pin that set, then the narrow key pin will be in the hull and it will get stuck there when the plug rotates.

The behavior of a large key pin is left as an exercise for the reader.

9.8 Beveled Holes and Rounded pins

Some lock manufacturers (e.g., Yale) bevel the edges of the plug holes and/or round off the ends of the key pins. This tends to reduce the wear on the lock and it can both help and hinder lock picking. You can recognize a lock with these features by the large give in set pins. See Figure 9.4. That is, the distance between the height at which the driver pin catches on the edge of the plug hole and the height at which the key pin hits the hull is larger (sometimes as large as a sixteenth of an inch) when the plug holes are beveled or the pins are rounded. While the key pin is moving between those two heights, the only resistance to motion will be the force of the spring. There won’t be any binding friction. This corresponds to the dip in the force graph shown in Figure 5.5.

A lock with beveled plug holes requires more scrubbing to open than a lock without beveled holes because the driver pins set on the bevel instead of setting on the top of the plug. The plug will not turn if one of the drivers is caught on a bevel. The key pin must be scrubbed again to push the driver pin up and off the bevel. The left driver pi in Figure 9.6a is set. The driver is resting on the bevel, and the bottom plate has moved enough to allow the right driver to bind. Figure 9.6b shows what happens after the right driver pin sets. The bottom plate slides further to the right and noe the left driver pin is scissored between the bevel and the top plate. It is caught on the bevel. To open the lock, the left driver pin must be pushed up above the bevel. Once that driver is free, the bottom plate can slide and the righ driver may bind on its bevel.

If you encounter a lock with beveled plug holes, and all the pins appear to be set but the lock is not opening, you should reduce torque and continue scrubbing over the pins. The reduced torque will make it easier to push the drivers off the bevels. If pins unset when you reduce the torque, try increasing the torque and the picking pressure. The problem with increasing the force is that you may jam some key pins into the hull.


Figure 9.3: Driver pin wider than key pin

Figure 9.3: Driver pin wider than key pin


Figure 9.4: Beveled plug holes and rounded key pins

Figure 9.4: Beveled plug holes and rounded key pins

9.9 Mushroom Driver Pins

A general trick that lock makers use to make picking harder is to modify the shape of the driver pin. The most popular shapes are mushroom, spool and serrated, see Figure 9.7. The purpose of these shapes is to cause the pins to false set low. These drivers stop a picking technique called vibration picking (see section 9.12), but they only slightly complicate scrubbing and one-pin-at-a-time picking (see chapter 4).


Figure 9.5: (a) Driver sets on bevel

Figure 9.5: (a) Driver sets on bevel


Figure 9.6: (a) Driver jams on bevel

Figure 9.6: (a) Driver jams on bevel

If you pick a lock and the plug stops turning after a few degrees and none of the pins can be pushed up and further, then you known that the lock has modified drivers. Basically, the lip of the driver has caught at the sheer line. See the bottom of Figure 9.7. Mushroom and spool drivers are often found in Russwin locks, and locks that have several spacers for master keying.

You can identify the positions with mushroom drivers by applying a light torque and pushing up on each pin. The pins with mushroom drivers will exhibit a tendency to bring the plug back to the fully locked position. By pushing the key pin up you are pushing the flat top of the key pin against the tilted bottom of the mushroom driver. This causes thedriv er tostraigh ten up which in turn causes the plug to unrotate. You can use this motion to identify the columns that have mushroom drivers. Push those pins up to sheer line; even if you lose some of the other pins in the process they will be easier to re-pick than the pins with mushroom drivers. Eventually all the pins will be correctly set at the sheer line.

One way to identify all the positions with mushroom drivers is to use the flat of your pick to push all the pins up about halfway. This should put most of the drivers in their cockable position and you can feel for them.

To pick a lock with modified drivers, use a lighter torque and heavier pressure. You want to error on the side of pushing the key pins too far into the hull. In fact, another way to pick these locks is to use the flat side of your pick to push the pins up all the way, and apply very heavy torque to hold them there. Use a scrubbing action to vibrate the key pins while you slowly reduce the torque. Reducing the torque reduces the binding friction on the pins. The vibration and spring force cause the key pins to slide down to the sheer line.

The key to picking locks with modified drivers is recognizing incorrectly set pins. Mushroom driver set on its lip will not have the springy give of a correctly set driver. Practice recognizing the difference.

9.10 Master Keys

Many applications require keys that open only a single lock and keys that open a group of locks. The keys that open a single lock are called change keys and the keys that open multiple locks are called master keys. To allow both the change key and the master key to open the same lock, a locksmith adds an extra pin called a spacer to some of the pin columns. See Figure 9.8. The effect of the spacer is to create two gaps in the pin column that could be lined up with the sheer line. Usually the change key aligns the top of the spacer with the sheer line, and the master key aligns the bottom of the spacer with the sheer line (the idea is to prevent people from filing down a change key to get a master key). In either case the plug is free to rotate.

In general, spacers make a lock easier to pick. They increase the number of opportunities to set each pin, and they make it more likely that the lock can opened by setting the all the pins at about the same height. In most cases only two or three positions will have spacers. You can recognize a position with a spacer by the two clicks you feel when the pin is pushed down. If the spacer has a smaller diameter than the driver and key pins, then you will feel a wide springy region because the spacer will not bind as it passes through the sheer line. It is more common for the spacer to be larger than the driver pin. You can recognize this by an increase in friction when the spacer passes through the sheer line. Since the spacer is larger than the driver pin, it will also catch better on the plug. If you push the spacer further into the hull, you will feel a strong click when the bottom of the spacer clears the sheer line.

Thin spacers can cause serious problems. If you apply heavy torque and the plug has beveled holes, the spacer can twist and jam at the sheer line. It is also possible for the spacer to fall into the keyway if the plug is rotated 180 degrees. See section 9.11 for the solution to this problem.


Figure 9.7: Mushroom, spool, and serrated driver pins

Figure 9.7: Mushroom, spool, and serrated driver pins


Figure 9.8: Spacer pins for master keying

Figure 9.8: Spacer pins for master keying

9.11 Driver or Spacer Enters Keyway

Figure 9.9 shows how a spacer or driver pin can enter the keyway when the plug is rotated 180 degrees. You can prevent this by placing the flat side of your pick in the bottom of the keyway before you turn the plug too far. If a spacer or driver does enter the keyway and prevent you from turning the plug, use the flat side of you pick to push the spacer back into the hull. You may need to use the torque wrench to relieve any sheer force that is binding the spacer or driver. If that doesn’t work try raking over the drivers with the pointed side of your pick. If a spacer falls into the keyway completely, the only option is to remove it. A hook shaped piece of spring steel works well for this, though a bent paperclip will work just as well unless the spacer becomes wedged.


Figure 9.9: Spacer or driver can enter keyway

Figure 9.9: Spacer or driver can enter keyway

9.12 Vibration Picking

Vibration picking works by creating a large gap between the key and driver pins. The underlying principle is familiar to anyone who has played pool. When the queue ball strikes another ball squarely, the queue ball stops and the other ball heads off with the same speed and direction as the queue ball. Now imagine a device that kicks the tips of all the key pins. The key pins would transfer their momentum to th driver pins which would fly up into the hull. If you are applying a light torque when this happens, the plug will rotate when all the driv ers are above the sheer line.

9.13 Disk Tumblers

The inexpensive locks found on desksuse metal disks instead of pins. Figure 9.10 shows the basic workings of these locks. The disks have the same outline but differ in the placement of the rectangular cut. These locks are easy to pick with the right tools. Because the disks are placed close together a half-round pick works better than a half-diamond pick (see Figure A.1). You may also need a torque wrench with a narrower head. Use moderate to heavy torque.


Figure 9.10: Workings of a disk tumbler lock

Figure 9.10: Workings of a disk tumbler lock

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Chapter 8 >
Chapter 10 >

MIT Guide to Lock Picking – Chapter 5

The flatland model of locks can explain effects that involvs more than one pin, but a different model is needed to explain the detailed behavior of a single pin. See Figure 5.1. The pin-column model highlights the relationship between the torque applied and the amount of force needed to lift each pin. It is essential that you understand this relationship.

In order to understand the “feel” of lock picking you need to know how the movement of a pin is effect by the torque applied by your torque wrench (tensioner) and the pressure applied by your pick. A good way to represent this understanding is a graph that shows the minimum pressure needed to move a pin as a function of how far the pin has been displaced from its initial position. The remainder of this chapter will derive that force graph from the pin-column model.

Figure 5.2 shows a single pin position after torque has been applied to the plug. The forces acting of the driver pin are the friction from the sides, the spring contact force from above, and the con tact force from the key pin below. The amount of pressure you apply to the pick determines the contact force from below.

The spring force increases as the pins are pushed in to the hull, but the increase is slight, so we will assume that the spring force is constant over the range of displacements we are interested in. The pins will not move unless you apply enough pressure to overcome the spring force. The binding frictionee is proportional to how hard the driver pin is being scissored between the plug and the hull, which in this case is proportional to the torque. The more torque you apply to the plug, the harder it will be to move the pins. To make a pin move, you need to apply a pressure that is greater than the sum of the spring and friction forces.

When the bottom of the driver pin reaches the sheer line, the situation suddenly changes. See Figure 5.3. The friction binding force drops to zero and the plug rotates slightly (until some other pin binds). Now the only resistance to motion is the spring force. After the top of the key pin crosses the gap between the plug and the hull, new contact force arises from the key pin striking the hull. This force can be quite large, and it causes a peak in the amount of pressure needed to move a pin.

If the pins are pushed further into the hull, the key pin acquires a binding fiction like the driver pin had in the initial situation. See Figure 5.4. Thus, the amount of pressure needed to move the pins before and after the sheer line is about the same. Increasing the torque increases the required pressure. At the sheerline, the pressure increases dramatically due to the key pin hitting the hull. This analysis is summarized graphically in figure 5.5.


Figure 5.1: The pin-column model

Figure 5.1: The pin-column model


Figure 5.2: Binding in the pin-column model

Figure 5.2: Binding in the pin-column model


Figure 5.3: Pins at the sheer line

Figure 5.3: Pins at the sheer line


Figure 5.4: Key pin enters hull

Figure 5.4: Key pin enters hull


Figure 5.5: Pressure required to move pins

Figure 5.5: Pressure required to move pins

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Chapter 6 >

Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings – Part 6

Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
A series by Spiralbound.net on social deviance and punishment in the United States and Europe

Conclusion:
Going into this study, it was my expectation that That non deviant citizens of other Western, industrialized countries would take on more personal responsibility for deviants, and prove more willing to make accommodations for them than Americans. Given this, Americans would, without exception, be more likely than Europeans to label deviant any person addressed by the five social policies in my survey. This is to say that whether a person is on death row for homicide, or poverty stricken and in need of shelter, food, clothing, medical attention or treatment for drug addiction, that person would acquire a label of deviance more quickly in the United States than in Europe.

In two ways, this turned out to be the case. As expected, when it came to sentencing a person to death Americans were decidedly more likely to agree, than Europeans, effectively applying the label of criminal with indelible ink. This label cannot be removed, since the person is to be executed, which tells us that, while not given out lightly, it is applied by Americans with extreme confidence.

Similarly, Americans seem more reluctant than Europeans to remove the label of drug user. This is not to suggest that they to not favor programs designed to help in addiction recovery (55% in fact believed America should have such a nationally funded policy), but to note that far more (76%) of Europeans agreed with this policy and were less likely to be skeptical about the addict’s actual motivation to recover.

The results become more ambiguous however when it comes to questions about nationalized health care and welfare. America and Europe ran pretty much dead even in the statistics here, which, at least initially, suggests that being poor and in need of health care is not thought of as particularly deviant in either culture. Like drug addiction, however, there does seem to be more of a tendency amongst Americans to look at these program’s beneficiaries with distrust, and thus less societal responsibility is accepted by the American individual. This again suggests a willingness but strong reluctance amongst Americans to remove a deviant label.

Finally, there is the question that broke all the rules. Given the fact that United States tends to be more conservative sexually than many European nations, I would have thought, that if anything was to be labeled more deviant in the United States it would be sexuality. Perhaps this is the case, and a willingness to provide nationally funded birth control is not a valid measurement, or perhaps I simply had it wrong. Whatever the case, it would appear, since more Americans than Europeans favor such a program, that sexuality is more likely to receive a deviant label in Europe.

Ultimately, while it does seem that these findings support my original hypothesis, they do so in a slightly different way than I had anticipated. It appears that neither culture is decidedly more or less likely to apply a label of deviance to the acts in question, but rather that Europeans tend to be more willing than Americans to remove a deviant label.

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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
© Cliff Pearson & Spiralbound.net
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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings – Part 5

Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
A series by Spiralbound.net on social deviance and punishment in the United States and Europe

Results:
So, having examined the overall purpose of this project, the research design and its limitations, the time has come to look at the data, and to see if the findings support my original hypothesis that non deviant citizens of other Western, industrialized countries take on more personal responsibility for deviants, and are more willing than Americans to make accommodations for them. In the first part of this section, I will present a basic overview of the survey results, beginning with the quantitative percentages, then moving on to the qualitative comments for elaboration. In the second part, I will take a moment for the discussion of labeling theory, then move on to discuss the conclusions which can be drawn from this research.

Taking a quick glance at the initial quantitative results, it is unclear if the data supports this study’s hypothesis. See the following table:

Sex Drugs and Public Hangings Table 3

Sex Drugs and Public Hangings Table 3

There exists some supporting evidence when we see that Europeans were far less likely to favor the death penalty, and far more likely to support nationality funded treatment for drug abusers than Americans. These findings come as no surprise because of policies which already exist in our two European countries. Germany has no death penalty what- so-ever, and the United Kingdom abolished this punishment for all ordinary (non-military) offenses in1973. (Heiner p. 221) On a similar note, the United Kingdom tried out “hard line” methods to control drug abuse in the ’70s and ’80s, but only found themselves with “more drugs, more crime and more addicts, so they went back to their way, letting doctors prescribe whatever drug a particular addict was hooked on.” (Heiner p. 190)

Surprisingly, however, the other issues were much closer in the percentages. Americans proved only slightly less likely to support nationality funded health care, and much to my surprise, they were actually more likely to favor financial support for publicly funded birth control and those living in poverty. While these returns are interesting from the standpoint of changing American viewpoints, they hardly support my hypothesis. Even given the likelihood that I had reached a more liberal subset of the American public, these results were far from what I had expected to find. I would clearly have to dig deeper into qualitative meaning behind these answers if I was to have any hope of proving my hypothesis.

Looking through the comments the research subjects made, two things become clear. First, the explanations given by Europeans for supporting social policy designed to aid deviants are filled with decidedly fewer limitations, ifs’, ands’ or buts’ than those given by American subjects. This provides evidence that the tendency to submit a “Yes” answer, simply so that a comment could be given, was indeed artificially inflated by the design of the survey. Secondly, certain national trends seem to emerge with respect to each question, leading to the conclusion that there is at least some homogeny amongst those surveyed. Let us now take the time to view each question individually, comparing the comments made by American respondents with their European counterparts.

Question #1: Do you believe your country should have a death penalty?
From the American perspective the majority (59%) of those surveyed did not believe that there should be a death penalty in the United States. However, particularly when compared with the much lower European return of 9%, there remains a significant percentage of American subjects who favor capital punishment. What were their reasons? Of those nine Americans who answered “Yes” the most common circumstance given under which a death sentence would be acceptable was murder. Some respondents elaborated further, stating, for instance that such a punishment would only be appropriate in the event of the most “heinous” murder, serial killings, or a crime where the victim was “tortured either before or after being killed”, but In short, every American who favored the death penalty cited the killing of another human being as an act under which capital punishment would be acceptable.

In Europe, however, the overwhelming majority of respondents did not believe that their country should have a death penalty. Only two of the twenty-one European subjects answered “Yes” to this question, and of these, only one provided an explanation, stating that execution should only be carried out in the event of first degree murder or rape.

Interestingly, the American legal system does not treat rape as seriously as murder. Certainly this is because the life of the victim is not terminated in the criminal act. I mention this because in addition to murder, (and treason, cited only once) rape was named by three Americans and one European as a reason for the use of capital punishment. Two conclusions can be drawn from this. First, it would seem that the general public of America, and Europe is taking the issue of rape much more seriously than they had in the past, and secondly, since neither Americans or Europeans seem to favor using the death penalty lightly, it would appear that whatever mental condition it is that causes a person to commit rape is being thought of as not only despicable, but untreatable as well.

Question #2: Do you feel health care should be provided by your government?
Generally, those surveyed in the united States and in Europe agreed that there should be some kind of nationalized health care system, which makes it curious that no such program exists in the US. When asked to elaborate on their answers, statements like “Free for all, period.” and ” I think there should be national health care for every citizen of our country – regardless of economic status, race, age, etc.” were quite common throughout both American and European survey returns.

While it seems that many of those favoring nationalized health care from both sides of the Atlantic feel that everyone should receive government health care, Europeans seemed less worried about the prospect of a person receiving free health care without first having paid into the system. Out of the eighteen Europeans and the Nineteen Americans who answered in favor of a nationalized health care plan, five Americans and only one European suggested that treatment should be provided only to those who have paid into the system. Similarly, Six Europeans and only two Americans specifically named the poor as a group who should receive treatment.

In part, since the US does not as of yet have a national health care system, and because of books such as Malcolm K. Sparrow’s “License to Steel”, which discusses the highly automated, easy to take advantage of systems entrusted with processing claims and issuing checks (Sparrow pp. 162 163), it makes sense why Americans tend to be a bit more worried about where the funding for such a program will come from. In general, both groups seem to believe first that their country should provide at least essential health care services, and secondly, that most, if not all citizens should have access to it.

Question #3: Do you believe your country should provide financial support for those living in poverty?
Like socialized medicine, welfare is a social program funded by the public, and as such has the potential of being abused. In other words, it is possible that people may use the service without contributing to the pool of money which funds it. For this reason it makes sense that the answers from this question would be similar to those on nationality funded health care. Indeed this is the case. Seventeen Europeans and twenty-three Americans answered that their respective countries should provide financial support to those living in poverty, and when asked to qualify their answers, most subjects from both Europe and the United States agreed that this program should not be a way of life, but rather a service to those trying to find a job or better their situation.

Americans did however, tend to be a bit more concerned with the possibility of people getting something for nothing. The most common statements amongst US subjects who believe financial aid to the poor should be offered was that this service should provide the basic costs of living such as food, clothing and housing only to those trying to find a job, or unable to work because of disability. One subject wrote for example that “People should receive welfare only for a short time, and during that time, the person should have to prove they are looking for a job by meeting with a counselor twice a week. Welfare needs strict regulations, but in a way that still helps the person receiving it”.

Like the Americans, European respondents believed that welfare should provide for the basic necessities of life. However, statements like, “welfare should be provided under all circumstances, so that people do not die from starvation, and have basic clothing and basic housing” were far more common. Furthermore, the idea that welfare should help the underemployed and working poor was commonly addressed among European respondents, and only twice was it explicitly suggested that this service should be limited to those actively seeking employment. In short, Europeans seemed a good deal more trusting that the welfare system would not be abused.

Question #4: Do you believe your country should provide publicly funded birth control?
Amongst those from United States who responded “Yes” to this question, the almost universal answer was something like “to anyone and everyone who wants it.” Many subjects from Europe also answered this way, but added that birth control should also be provided to teenagers, suggesting, if nothing else, that Europeans are more comfortable with the idea of their children having sex than Americans.

The thing that most amazed me about the results from this question, however, was the number of people who said “No”. It was my original thought that anyone willing to support nationalized medicine or welfare would also support government funded birth control. The final tally did not prove this, showing that out of twenty-one Europeans and twenty-seven Americans surveyed, only nine and seventeen respondents supported such a program respectively. This suggests one of two possible conclusions. Either sex and childbearing are something that both cultures feel is a personal matter and don’t want to see the government getting involved with, or it was thought that by birth control I meant abortion, which is understandably a far more controversial topic than basic prevention methods. In any event, it would seem that Americans are a bit more comfortable with this issue than the Europeans.

Question #5: Do you feel your country should provide treatment for drug abusers?
This final question was inspired by the 60 Minutes episode entitled “Rx Drugs”, in which England’s approach to managing national drug problems was addressed. Unlike the United States, which has declared “war” on drugs, England has decided to fund a program which provides free, “clean” drugs to addicts by way of prescription, thus decriminalizing the act of use. (Heiner p. 189) Knowing about this program, I though it would be interesting to see how well supported public treatment for drug addicts was overseas, and moreover, if Americans were interested in paying the bill to help users overcome their addiction.

In the end, this question came back mostly as I expected. As can be seen by the returns, 76% of European subjects favored such a policy, compared to 55% of Americans. When asked to qualify a “Yes” answer, both groups agreed nearly across the board that anyone who wants help should receive it. One American respondent stated that “Our country should provide similar treatment to England’s program”, and several suggested that treatment should not continue if the patient is not doing his or her part to recover. It was, perhaps a bit surprising that so many Americans favored this type of program, but it seems most are beginning to conclude that the “war on drugs” is not working and have began to seek an alternative.

Because the following interpretation of this data is to be grounded in the school of symbolic interactionism, and labeling theory, it is important, before moving on, that I give a brief overview of of this theoretical framework. Taken from the writings of George Herbert Mead, symbolic interactionism asserts that people learn how to behave based on the subjective meanings of their social interaction “as perceived from the standpoint of the actor.” (Hagen p. 192) In other words, individuals watch how others react to their behavior and apply meaning to their actions based on what they see. Labeling theory, then, “says that individuals are deviant mainly because they have been labeled as deviant by social control agencies or others.” (Hagen p. 192) There is, based on this theory, nothing intrinsically deviant in the criminal act itself, only in the reaction of the audience and in the label that is applied to the actor; “that is, a crime is a label, not an act.” (Hagen p.192)

By this assertion, we are moving the focus of the study away from the deviant people of America and Europe and on to the “law abiding citizens” of these countries who react to and label deviance. The question now becomes not how deviant people are dealt with on both sides of the Atlantic, but exactly which acts cause each respective society to apply a label of deviance.

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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
© Cliff Pearson & Spiralbound.net
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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings – Part 4

Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
A series by Spiralbound.net on social deviance and punishment in the United States and Europe

Design Limitations:
No research project is without its limitations, and even before the original research strategy had to be changed this one was no exception. In the end, the limitations of this study can best be broken down to, and discussed in three separate sections: the the survey recipients, the newsgroups used to contact European subjects, and the survey itself. Allow me now to take a few moments to discuss each of these separately, before moving on to analyze the the data.

Recipients:
Ideally, I would have been able to obtain a totally random, reasonably large sample from each of the four countries. As I hinted at above, this may have been possible in the United States, but without either traveling to Europe, or having a very dedicated contact in each country, doing this in across the Atlantic would be nearly impossible. Thus, in order to be a t all practical, I would have to take what I could get in terms of survey respondents.

In the United States, I can be certain that those who took the survey were either randomly selected Plymouth State College students, or college Information Technology Department staff. The first, and most obvious limitation of this group is the fact that they are associated with a college. Colleges and universities tend to be, almost by definition, more liberal than the median of American society, and as such, these subjects were no doubt more likely to answer in favor of social programs designed to aid deviants than a true cross-section of the American public. Also, we must consider the demographics of those associated with colleges and universities. This group is likely to be younger, more educated, and wealthier than the average, randomly selected person, which is almost certain to account for an increased tendency to answer in support of social programs. Secondly, the survey was only made available to those who used e-mail. While it is difficult to find a student or college staff member who does not use this technology, they certainly do exist, and as a result, the less tech-savvy would have been eliminated as a research subject. Finally, the issue of geography needs to be addressed. The survey was only distributed to those living, in the North Eastern United States. This is important to remember because this region (aside from New Hampshire) tends to be slightly more liberal than the rest of the United States, and many people at Plymouth State College originally come from surrounding states.

Overseas, some of the same problems were faced such as the non computer / Internet users being eliminated as a subject, but the most important limitations come from the way the respondents were contacted.

Newsgroups:
Since the bulk of my European respondents found the survey listed on one of the three Usenet newsgroups listed in the table above, it is absolutely critical that the limitations of this method be addressed. Newsgroups are organized in terms of subject, and as such a person subscribes to a newsgroup only if that person is interested in reading the discussions therein. Knowing this, it becomes clear that I have reached only a very limited audience. I chose the newsgroups I did, not because of their subject matter, but rather because of their large readership, and since the only requirement for completing the survey was that the person be from either Germany or England (I had, at this point, given up on France), I wished to reach as many people as possible. Thus, the most apparent limitation of news groups is the narrow scope of their readership. Since I posted to only three groups, it is easy to see that I did not reach a very diverse audience.

Another thing that is important to know about newsgroups is that they can be read by anyone, regardless of nationality. Just because a group is part of the “UK” or “DK” domain does not mean that someone from another country is eliminated from reading it, so there is the risk that a person who completed the German survey, for instance, was not, in fact German. In an attempt to control for this, I kept an eye on my UNIX server’s web access log, and ensured that the number of British or German surveys matched up with the number of British or German connections. Even with this control, however, I can only confirm that the page was accessed from a given country, and I have no way of verifying that the individual taking it was actually British or German. I had to depend on the honor system for this.

One final note about newsgroups: it is important to note that Usenet readers can, and do, become VERY hostile should they run across a posting which they don’t like. Survey postings on the newsgroups are very unpopular, and are thought of by most to be inappropriate. Knowing this. I realized that it would become necessary to keep a careful eye on the returns to ensure that no malicious subject would intentionally corrupt my data. Aside from receiving a few e-mail messages asking why I had not included certain questions, I only ended up having to throw out two responses. The first, clearly malicious, stated among other things that there should be a death penalty for “crosposting twits on newsgroups”, and that the state should provide free healthcare for people who have suffered mental trauma caused by “crosposting twits on newsgroups.” The second throw away was simply a religious rant.

The Survey:
While not perfect, I do feel that the actual construction of the survey was good, as it yielded some very useful results. I was approached by several people throughout the study who stated that it was “fun” to take, and that they had enjoyed putting in their own “two cents”. There are, however, three important ways I believe the survey could be improved. First, as I stated above, I believe the option for subjects to qualify a “No” answer should have been added. Secondly, I believe there should have been a mechanism built into the PHP database front end to ensure that the same person did not take the survey twice. Finally, I would have liked to employ a system by which I could verify that the person taking the survey was actually a citizen of the the country he or she claimed. Unfortunately, this would mean collecting personal data which may have prevented the study from passing the Human Subjects Committee.

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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
© Cliff Pearson & Spiralbound.net
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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings – Part 2

Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
A series by Spiralbound.net on social deviance and punishment in the United States and Europe

Introduction to the study:
Since exploring the reasons for social deviance is, in many ways central to the discipline of sociology, it stands to reason that there already exists a relatively large amount of work surrounding the various ways people, and cultures respond to deviance. Many criminology articles address the vast differences in incarceration rates amongst various countries. In his 1992 article, “The case for going Dutch: The Lessons of Post-War Penal Policy”, For example, David Downs compares Dutch and British prisons. He states that in 1950, the two countries had roughly the same incarceration rate, and goes on to show that, by 1975, the Dutch had managed to cut their prison population to less than half, while the British had doubled theirs with no reduction in crime rates. (Heiner pp. 244, 245) Moreover, entire text are frequently written about the vast differences in social policy between nations. For instance, William A. Schabas’s book “The abolition of the death penalty in international law” goes into great detail about how the international community is making progress away from the death penalty, as well as provides a comparative analysis of both American and European human rights law. (Schabas)

Generally this study is about the ways people of different cultures approach social deviance in their society. It becomes more unique in its specifics, however, when I set out to answer two basic questions across a spectrum of cultures. First, do people of a given country feel their government should implement various public policies in order to help the “deviant” individuals of their society better fit into the cultural mainstream? And secondly, under what circumstances do these people feel a given public policy is appropriate? (If, for example, government should fund all medical care, or limit services to include only treatment which has been deemed necessary.) The purpose of this framework is two fold. First, it provides concrete, quantifiable data about which social programs and policies are publicly accepted in each country, and secondly, it provides the research subject with the opportunity to add input about what he or she feels are the limitations of social policy, thus qualifying their answer.

Why conduct such a study? Many reasons; the most notable of which being educated decision making when it comes to writing public policy. Every day lawmakers are asked to come up with policy which defines the ways criminals, single mothers, the poor and homeless people will fit into society. To look past the ways other cultures approach similar problems; to ignore the mistakes they have made in the past, refusing to learn from them would epitomize the term “thinking in a box”. By conducting such a study, it becomes possible to not only document the ways other cultures respond to deviance, but to analyze that data within the framework of symbolic interactionism and labeling theory, drawing conclusions as to why each country’s solution either does or does not work within its respective context.

Additionally, it is my hope that this study will take on a more general appeal. Speaking as a citizen of the United States, it seems far too easy for us to forget that other countries in the world may do things differently. This is not, because Americans are short sited, or unwilling to follow the examples set by others, but because we are, in many ways culturally isolated. America occupies a huge land mass, and aside from Canada and Mexico, we have no real direct contact with other nations. Thus, the social problems and solutions of other countries take on an abstract feeling of distance as cultural tunnel vision begins to set in.

By carefully explaining pertinent sociological theory and relating it to the real-world finding of this research, I intend to spark the interest of both social scientists, and the general readership alike. Thus, it is my hope that this body of work will lead its readers not only to understand the practical mechanics of labeling theory, but realize the fact that there are, indeed countless, perfectly valid ways of dealing with and thinking about social deviance.

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Sex, Drugs and Public Hangings
© Cliff Pearson & Spiralbound.net
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